280. Beyond the Muddle: Why Britain is about to be Pushed Towards Localism

Britain is living through a period of profound muddle. Institutions continue to behave as though economic expansion, rising consumption and increasing public expenditure will soon return, yet everyday experience increasingly suggests otherwise. The country is caught between an old expectation of endless growth and a new reality of limits, stagnation and decline.

At the centre of the confusion lies a deeper issue that is still rarely acknowledged openly. Modern financial capitalism itself depends upon continuing economic growth. Debt, pensions, investment markets, property values, government borrowing and business expansion all assume that tomorrow’s economy will be larger than today’s. When growth slows permanently, the entire financial structure begins to lose stability.

For decades Britain has attempted to maintain the appearance of prosperity through borrowing, asset inflation and financial expansion, even while much of the productive economy weakened. Rising house prices created the illusion of wealth. Expanding credit maintained consumer spending. Governments relied increasingly on debt. Pension systems depended upon rising investment values. Yet all these mechanisms ultimately require continuing growth underneath them.

If growth no longer returns, financial capitalism as it has existed since the late twentieth century gradually ceases to function properly.

This can already be seen across the country.

The housing system is in confusion. Governments promise hundreds of thousands of new homes while construction costs rise, planning systems become more complex, infrastructure becomes harder to fund, and younger people find ownership increasingly unattainable. Developers depend upon debt, high land values and continuing consumer confidence. Mortgage systems themselves rely upon assumptions of stable long-term growth and rising incomes. Yet many towns already contain empty shops, underused offices and ageing housing stock requiring major repair. The assumption that continuous expansion will solve the housing crisis no longer fits reality.

Transport is equally confused. Roads remain congested, rail systems require enormous subsidy, local bus services decline outside major cities, and large infrastructure projects become steadily more expensive. Yet many journeys are becoming unaffordable for households facing rising costs. The old assumption that mobility would endlessly increase is weakening. Remote working, online shopping and demographic ageing are quietly reducing the demand for daily long-distance travel.

The NHS sits in perhaps the greatest muddle of all. It was designed during an era when economic growth could steadily finance rising demand. Today it faces an ageing population, chronic illness, staffing shortages and increasing treatment costs. Governments still speak as though greater efficiency alone will solve the problem, yet the deeper issue is structural. Modern medicine has become enormously complex and expensive, while the tax base required to support it struggles to grow. The system attempts to maintain industrial-era expectations in a post-growth environment.

Education is similarly uncertain. Universities expanded on the assumption that ever-growing numbers of graduates would enter an expanding professional economy. Instead, many young people leave with debt and uncertain employment prospects. Schools continue preparing pupils for a labour market that increasingly no longer exists in its previous form. The expectation that every generation will become steadily more prosperous than the last is quietly weakening.

Local government is under severe strain. Councils struggle to maintain roads, libraries, parks, social care and waste collection while central funding weakens. Yet the formal structures of administration remain based on assumptions of continuing expansion. Authorities are increasingly trapped between rising demand and shrinking resources.

Business itself is deeply uncertain. Many firms survive on debt, low wages and fragile consumer spending. Retailers face declining footfall. Restaurants and pubs close despite full high streets on weekends. Farmers face rising fuel, fertiliser and machinery costs while supermarkets drive prices downward. Smaller firms struggle with regulation designed for a larger and more prosperous economy.

Families feel the muddle directly. Household budgets are stretched by housing, energy, food and transport costs. Younger adults postpone having children or remain living with parents longer than previous generations. Elderly people increasingly support younger relatives financially. Many households quietly reduce discretionary spending, holidays, entertainment and travel while trying to maintain appearances of normality.

Politically, the muddle appears in the constant promise that growth will soon return if only the correct policies are adopted. One government promises technological transformation. Another promises planning reform. Another promises green growth. Yet underlying productivity remains weak, infrastructure ages, debt expands and public trust declines.

Much of the confusion arises because society still interprets present difficulties as temporary interruptions rather than signs of long-term transition.

Two events could finally break this confusion.

The first possibility is a major financial crash. A severe collapse in markets, pensions, banking confidence or government borrowing could abruptly force recognition that the old economic model no longer functions. Such a shock would be painful, but it would also expose the reality that financial capitalism cannot survive without growth. Modern finance is built upon future expectations. When confidence in future expansion disappears, debt structures weaken, investment values fall and the financial system itself becomes unstable.

The second possibility is slower but potentially more constructive – a broad realisation that continuous growth is no longer achievable within Britain’s economic, demographic and environmental conditions.

This second path would represent a psychological turning point. Instead of endlessly attempting to restore the industrial growth model of the late twentieth century, society would begin planning for stability, resilience and adaptation.

Government would gradually shift from pursuing growth at all costs towards managing contraction intelligently. Success would no longer be measured purely through GDP expansion, but through stability, affordability, security and social cohesion.

Businesses would adapt to slower consumption and more localised markets. Instead of endless scaling, firms would focus upon durability, repair, maintenance, reuse and local relationships. Smaller enterprises could become more important than giant national chains.

The public sector would increasingly concentrate on essential services rather than continual expansion of administration. Local practical problem-solving could become more valuable than large central programmes.

The NHS might eventually evolve towards a mixed system combining high technology emergency care with much stronger local informal support systems for ageing populations, rehabilitation and chronic illness management. Community involvement, family support and preventative living could become increasingly important as industrial-scale medicine reaches financial limits.

Families would also begin seeing the future differently. Security might come less from high consumption and more from relationships, locality, practical skills, shared housing, gardening, informal work and reduced dependence upon debt. Multi-generational households could become more common again. Villages, small towns and urban neighbourhoods might slowly recover forms of local interdependence that industrial growth previously weakened.

It is at this point that localism begins to emerge, not as a political slogan, but as the natural outcome of economic contraction. As large-scale financial capitalism weakens, societies increasingly depend upon local resilience. Food production becomes more local. Services become more community-based. Informal work expands. Small-scale enterprise becomes more important. Long supply chains become less reliable and less affordable. Local repair, local care, local trading and local decision-making steadily grow in importance.

In this future, people increasingly depend upon those physically around them rather than distant national or international systems. The enormous industrial structures created during the growth era gradually lose their dominance. In their place comes a more decentralised society based upon practical interdependence within towns, villages and neighbourhoods.

Such changes are already beginning quietly beneath the surface. Repair cafés, food growing, home working, informal care networks, second-hand economies, local trading and practical cooperation are all signs of adaptation emerging before official recognition.

The central issue is not whether Britain can return to perpetual rapid growth. The more important question is whether society can recognise the transition early enough to adapt calmly rather than through panic and collapse.

At present, Britain remains trapped between two eras. The institutions of the old growth economy still dominate public thinking, but the realities of contraction are steadily becoming more visible. Financial capitalism continues operating largely because governments, markets and populations still expect growth eventually to resume. If that expectation finally disappears, the system itself will have to evolve into something fundamentally different.

Eventually, either crisis or recognition will force a clearer understanding of the future. When that happens, the country may finally begin reorganising itself around a more realistic vision of how people can live securely and meaningfully within an economy that no longer expands endlessly. In the long run, that future is likely to become increasingly local, decentralised and based upon the rebuilding of practical human relationships close to home.

245. Managed Localism or Financial Crash?

Energy, Shrinkage and the Case for Deliberate Evolution


1.  Energy Surplus: The Foundation of Growth

Modern economic growth did not begin with finance.  It began with energy surplus.

Economic output ultimately depends on usable energy.  The more net energy available beyond what is required to obtain that energy, the more complex an economy can become.

This relationship is captured in the concept of Energy Return on Energy Invested (EROEI):

EROEI = energy obtained/energy expended to obtain it

When early coal and oil fields delivered extraordinarily high returns, society gained an immense surplus.  That surplus powered industrialisation, railways, global shipping, urbanisation, fertiliser production, aviation, public health systems and welfare states.

Another way to express this is:

As long as net energy per person continued to expand, economic complexity could expand with it.

Credit expansion amplified this physical surplus.  Asset prices reflected confidence in its continuation.  Public spending widened in the expectation that tomorrow would be larger than today.

Growth was not ideological.  It was energetic.

2.  When Surplus Tightens

Over time, the highest-return energy sources were depleted.  Extraction shifted toward more complex and capital-intensive sources.  EROEI declined.

Even if total energy production remains high, the net surplus available to society may plateau or weaken.

When surplus growth slows:

  • Productivity gains moderate.
  • Real wage growth weakens.
  • Asset inflation becomes increasingly credit-driven.
  • Financial claims expand faster than real capacity.

Debt, pensions and asset valuations are all claims on future output.

If future output cannot expand at past rates, those claims become heavier relative to the real economy.

Shrinkage is therefore not the reverse of growth.  It is an exposure of rigidity.

The arithmetic is simple:

real debt burden – nominal debt income/real income

If real income stagnates while nominal debt remains fixed, the burden rises automatically.

The imbalance must resolve.

3.  A Historical Perspective

After the Second World War, Britain had a very high public debt.  Over subsequent decades, that burden declined relative to GDP.

It declined through:

  • Strong real growth.
  • Expanding energy surplus.
  • Moderate inflation.
  • Time.

Debt reduction did not require dramatic repudiation because the energetic base was strengthening.

Today, conditions differ.  Energy systems are more complex.  Surplus growth is slower.  Financial claims are larger relative to output.

The post-war mechanism cannot operate with the same strength.

Adjustment is unavoidable.  The question is how.


4.  Crash or Managed Evolution?

When financial claims exceed underlying real capacity, the imbalance resolves in one of two ways.

Crash

  • Rapid asset deflation.
  • Credit contraction.
  • Bank stress.
  • Pension underfunding.
  • Government revenue collapses.
  • Emergency central intervention.
  • Political polarisation.

Localism may appear, but as fragmentation under stress.  Central authority often expands in response to disorder.

Adjustment is compressed into a crisis.

Managed Localism

  • New debt expansion is restrained.
  • Asset prices converge gradually toward incomes.
  • Pension expectations recalibrate.
  • Inflation modestly erodes real burdens.
  • Local provisioning expands.
  • National infrastructure remains intact.
  • Adjustment unfolds over decades.

One path centralises through fear.
The other decentralises through adaptation.

5.  Debt and Stabilisation

Debt becomes unstable only when it grows faster than income.

In managed localism:

  • Structural borrowing is restrained.
  • Maturities are extended.
  • Panic stimulus aimed at restoring asset bubbles is avoided.
  • Moderate inflation gradually reduces real burdens.

Time performs the adjustment.

The objective is stabilisation, not sudden liquidation.

6.  Housing and Asset Convergence

During the growth era, housing became both shelter and a speculative instrument.

Credit expansion drove prices beyond wage growth.

When credit expansion slows, asset prices must converge toward underlying incomes.

Under managed localism:

  • Large leveraged developments diminish.
  • Self-build and incremental construction expand.
  • Retrofit and maintenance replace speculative turnover.
  • Housing returns primarily to use value.

This is uncomfortable for those reliant on capital appreciation.  It is stabilising for long-term social balance.

7.  Pensions and Retirement

Pension systems embed growth assumptions.

If asset returns moderate:

  • Defined benefit schemes are strained.
  • Defined contribution outcomes are reduced.
  • Retirement ages rise gradually.
  • Inflation erodes real values slowly.
  • Part-time participation later in life becomes common.

Adjustment through time preserves dignity.

8.  The Structure of Managed Localism

Managed localism is layered.

National Core Systems

  • Defense
  • Telecommunications
  • Monetary authority
  • Sovereign debt management
  • National policing functions
  • General hospitals
  • Transport arteries
  • Regulatory standards

These provide cohesion and stability.

Expanding Local Provision

  • Food production
  • Repair and maintenance
  • Small construction
  • Routine health and social care
  • Local policing presence
  • Mixed cash and mutual exchange

The centre becomes a reservoir of expertise and human resources when requested.

Initiative shifts downward.  Stability remains upward.

9.  Cultural Transition

Economic adjustment is both cultural and financial.

Growth culture equates expansion with success.

Managed localism redefines success as:

  • Stability.
  • Competence.
  • Reduced fragility.
  • Secure provisioning.
  • Meaningful participation.

Housing ceases to be a retirement plan.
Retirement becomes a gradual transition rather than a prolonged withdrawal.
Security shifts from portfolio value to tangible resilience.

Cultural transition also prepares the ground for fiscal transition.  As expectations narrow from expansion to sufficiency, public spending can narrow without panic.

10.  Funding the National and Local Layers

A managed localist system must be financially clear.

National and local functions are funded separately.

National funding:

Households & Businesses → National Taxes → National Core Systems

Local funding:

Local Households & Enterprise → Local Revenue → Local Services

Local revenue supports local provisioning.

During transition, monetary policy stabilises rather than stimulates expansion.

The difficult question is taxation in a shrinking economy.

The answer lies in redefining necessity.

Under surplus expansion, many activities became treated as permanent essentials.  In a stabilising economy, some must become discretionary.  Then, gradually, some must be abandoned.

This is not a collapse.  It is pruning.

Political resistance will be real.  Institutional momentum favours continuation.  But if surplus growth is weaker, denial increases the likelihood of eventual disruption.

Managed localism argues for deliberate narrowing rather than forced retreat.

11.  The International Context

Hyper-globalism depends on expanding surplus, falling transport costs and rising leverage.

If surplus growth moderates and leverage declines:

  • Trade continues but moderates.
  • Supply chains shorten.
  • Capital flows reduce.
  • Financial centres contract relative to productive sectors.

Localism is not isolationism.

It is the end of growth-dependent global expansion.

Conclusion

Maturity Without Collapse

For two centuries, expansion felt normal.

Energy surplus rose.
Financial claims multiplied.
Expectations hardened around perpetual growth.

That era was real.  It was built on surplus.

If surplus growth weakens, financial expectations must realign with physical reality.

The question is not whether adjustment occurs.

It is how.

Crash compresses adjustment into trauma.
Managed localism spreads it through time.

One path centralises through fear.
The other decentralises through adaptation.

Neither restores perpetual expansion.

The difference lies in dignity.

Managed localism does not promise abundance in the language of GDP.  It promises sufficiency aligned with limits.  It accepts that some ambitions must become discretionary and then abandoned.  It replaces scale with resilience.

In youth, societies grow.
In maturity, they stabilise.

If shrinkage is structural, adaptation is rational.

Managed localism offers maturity without collapse.

243. Growth at the Centre, Caution at the Kitchen Table

At the centre of the British system sits an assumption.

Growth will return.

It may be delayed. It may be slow. But it will come.

Budgets are written on that basis. Forecasts depend upon it. Elections are fought upon it. The language of policy assumes it.

Recovery. Investment. Renewal.

The national story is forward movement.

Yet at the household level, a different story may be unfolding.

I have recently come across a self-employed man and his self-employed wife. Both are skilled. Both are reliable. Both have lost work. Not because they are poor workers, but because they are considered too expensive.

They install bathrooms in existing homes. They decorate houses. Owner-occupied properties.

This is not emergency repair work. It is not a leaking roof or a failed boiler. It is an improvement. Modernisation. Enhancement.

Such work depends on confidence.

When households feel secure, they upgrade. They refresh. They improve. They borrow if necessary. They justify the expense by reference to rising house values and rising income.

When households feel uncertain, they postpone.

The bathroom can last another year. The paint can wait. The tiles are dated but serviceable. We will manage.

This is not drama. It is a caution.

And caution spreads quietly.

In a growing economy, quality commands a price. Clients choose the reliable worker. They pay for competence and speed. Time is valuable.

In a tightening economy, price becomes the first question. The cheapest quote wins. Or the job does not proceed at all. Or the householder does it themselves.

The worker has not changed. The context has.

This matters because discretionary domestic improvement sits in a sensitive zone. It is funded from surplus income, savings, or housing confidence. It is not essential, yet it is not trivial. It tells us how safe households feel.

If good tradespeople are losing such work because they are too expensive, something has shifted at the level of expectation.

At the top of the system, growth is still assumed.

The Treasury projects rising output. The central bank speaks of returning to the trend. Political leaders promise expansion. The language remains optimistic.

But at the kitchen table, decisions are being made differently.

Mortgage payments are higher. Energy bills are remembered even if they have eased. Food costs have risen. Employment feels less secure. Pensions look uncertain. House prices are not clearly rising.

In such a climate, the rational response is not expansion. It is preservation.

Cash is held back. Projects are delayed. Improvements are deferred.

This is how contraction begins. Not through collapse. Not through an announcement. But through hesitation.

If one household behaves this way, it is an anecdote.

If many do, it becomes a pattern.

And if the pattern persists, the structure of the economy begins to alter.

Discretionary markets thin out first. Trades linked to improvement rather than necessity feel it early. Good workers become “too expensive”. Clients seek cheaper alternatives or abandon the project.

As this repeats, several consequences follow.

Small firms compete more aggressively. Prices are cut. Margins shrink. Income becomes unstable. Workers reduce their own spending in response. That feeds back into the wider economy.

Meanwhile, the national narrative continues to speak of recovery.

A gap emerges between the language of growth and the behaviour of caution.

At first, this gap is tolerable. Governments can borrow. They can stimulate. They can promise.

But if the underlying behaviour of households has shifted from optimism to preservation, stimulus does not fully restore the former pattern.

Expectation has changed.

And expectation is central.

A growing economy rests on shared belief in improvement. People spend because they expect tomorrow to be better. They borrow because they expect income to rise. They upgrade because they assume value will increase.

If that shared belief weakens, the economy reorganises from the bottom.

People do not stop living. They adjust.

They repair rather than replace. They paint their own walls. They share childcare. They grow vegetables. They reduce travel. They extend the life of what they own.

These are rational responses.

They are also the building blocks of a different economic structure.

From above, the system still looks growth-oriented. From below, it is becoming sufficiency oriented.

The centre expects expansion. The locality practises restraint.

If this pattern spreads across many trades and many areas, it is not merely a cyclical slowdown. It is the early stage of structural drift.

Growth at the centre. Caution at the kitchen table.

If the kitchen table wins, the structure eventually changes.

The question is not whether growth is still promised.

The question is whether households still believe it.

If businesses and self-employed individuals are being told their services are too expensive, they must rethink their business plan.

241. A Different Definition of Progress

Tim Morgan argues that governments are still offering what he calls “solutions of quantity”. They promise more growth, more spending, more prosperity, more defence, more of everything. The assumption is that expansion will solve our problems. But if meaningful growth has ended, this promise cannot be kept.

The alternative is not despair. It is a shift in emphasis. If we cannot make people more prosperous in the material sense, we can make their lives better in the practical sense.

Making lives better in a post-growth society begins with security. Not the abstract security of global markets, but the everyday security of food, shelter, warmth and care. A government that cannot promise rising incomes can still promise that no one will be left without the basics. Stable access to food grown closer to home. Housing that is modest, affordable and well insulated. Streets that are safe and walkable. Health services that focus on prevention and steady support rather than constant expansion.

Quality also means time. In a growth economy, time is compressed. Work intensifies. Travel expands. Digital systems demand constant attention. In a steady or contracting economy, the aim should be to reduce unnecessary activity. Shorter supply chains. Shorter commutes. Fewer layers of bureaucracy. If people travel less because discretionary spending falls, local shops and services can reappear. Daily life becomes more rooted. Time once spent driving to distant supermarkets or commuting long distances can be spent in the locality.

Community is another solution of quality. Growth economies tend to centralise and concentrate. Large institutions replace smaller ones. Decisions move upward and outward. In a post-growth world, the direction can reverse. Local decision-making can increase. Informal systems can complement formal ones. Mutual aid, local repair, shared gardens, small workshops and food production can provide both practical benefit and social connection. The gain is not measured in GDP but in resilience and belonging.

Public services, too, can improve in quality even if they cannot expand in scale. The NHS, for example, may not be able to offer ever more complex and expensive interventions to everyone. But it can emphasise continuity of care, community health, and support close to home. Education can focus less on feeding a global labour market and more on practical competence, citizenship and adaptability.

The physical environment is central. A better life in a non-growing economy means cooler streets shaded by trees, homes that use less energy, local food production, and less reliance on long-distance imports. It means designing settlements for human scale rather than traffic flow. It means recognising that wellbeing depends as much on surroundings as on income.

Government communication must change. Instead of saying, “We will make you richer,” it can say, “We will make your essentials secure. We will reduce waste. We will protect what matters.” This requires honesty. It requires admitting that perpetual expansion is not possible on a finite planet. But it also requires confidence that stability, fairness and dignity are achievable.

A solution of quantity promises more. A solution of quality promises better.

In the decades ahead, the political courage will lie not in promising a return to rapid growth, but in shaping a society that works well without it. A society where prosperity is measured less by accumulation and more by sufficiency, health, competence and neighbourliness.

If growth has ended, civilisation has not. The task is to make life steadier, calmer and more secure. That is not a retreat. It is a different definition of progress.

236. What Local Power Actually Looks Like in a Shrinking Economy

In relation to Dominic Cummings’s analysis of political disillusion, the loss of trust in national politics is not a communications failure but a structural one. Power has grown too distant to remain legitimate.

The obvious next question is practical rather than philosophical.

What does local power actually look like?

Not in theory. In use.

Below are four areas where power can be moved to the locality in ways that are realistic, stabilising and suited to an economy that is no longer growing.

1. Control of everyday public spending

Local power begins with money that can actually be spent locally.

This does not mean new grants or competitive bidding exercises. It means allocating a fixed, visible budget to each locality, with discretion over priorities.

In a shrinking economy, the purpose is not optimisation or innovation. It is adaptation. Local people are better placed to decide whether limited funds are best used to keep a bus service running, support informal care, or maintain basic infrastructure.

For policymakers, the shift is simple but uncomfortable. Control moves from targets to trust. The centre audits outcomes, not decisions.

2. Health as a locality system

National funding and standards for health care remain essential. Delivery does not.

Health failure is experienced locally and personally. Appointments missed. Support absent. Care fragmented. These are problems of organisation, not ideology.

Local power means allowing locality-based health systems to integrate formal NHS services with informal care, volunteers, neighbours and charities. This is not a retreat from universality. It is a recognition that informal systems will carry more of the load as resources tighten.

In a contracting economy, pretending that everything can remain fully professionalised is unrealistic. Local integration is how standards are preserved when money is scarce.

3. Land use and shelter

Housing policy has largely failed because land-use decisions are taken far from their lived consequences.

Local power here means granting localities real authority over small-scale development, temporary structures, and low-cost shelter. This is not deregulation. It is re-scaling.

As the economy contracts, more people will live closer to the margin. Informal housing solutions will emerge whether policy allows them or not. The choice is between managed local adaptation or unmanaged national failure.

Policymakers should recognise that rigid national control of land use belongs to an era of growth that has ended.

4. Local economic resilience

National growth strategies assume expanding discretionary markets. Those markets are already shrinking.

Local power means enabling local food production, local energy, local repair and local exchange, not as lifestyle projects, but as resilience infrastructure.

This is where informal systems matter most. They are labour-intensive, low-capital and adaptive, exactly what a shrinking economy produces in abundance.

The role of policy is not to scale these systems up, but to stop obstructing them.

Why this matters now

Much current political analysis, including that of Cummings, recognises the collapse of trust but still assumes that recovery must be engineered from the centre.

That assumption is outdated.

In a contracting economy, legitimacy does not come from ambition. It comes from restraint. From visibility. From decisions made close enough to be understood and challenged.

Localism is not a political mood. It is a structural adjustment to a smaller, poorer and more constrained future.

The question for policymakers is no longer how to restore national control.

It is how much local control they are willing to release before reality forces it anyway.

232. The Post-Consumerism Economy

For two centuries the economy has been driven by consumption. Growth depended on people buying more goods, travelling more often, and replacing things before they wore out. That model is now reaching its natural end.

Post-consumerism does not arrive by choice or ideology. It arrives because households run out of spare income, energy becomes costly, and materials are harder to obtain. When discretionary spending declines, the economy changes shape.

In a post-consumerism economy, demand for non-essential goods falls steadily. Fewer cars are replaced. Fewer gadgets are upgraded. Fashion slows. Long-distance leisure travel becomes occasional rather than routine. Advertising loses its power because people are no longer looking to buy.

This does not mean economic collapse. It means economic reorientation.

Spending shifts from novelty to necessity. Food, shelter, heat, repair, care, and local services become the core of everyday economic life. Work follows that shift. Employment grows in maintenance, food production, local distribution, health support, and adaptation of existing buildings. Employment declines in mass retail, long supply chains, and discretionary manufacturing.

Production becomes smaller in scale and closer to where people live. Goods are made to last, to be repaired, and to be shared. Skills regain value. Practical knowledge matters more than branding. Time becomes more important than speed.

Money circulates more slowly. This is not a failure. Slow circulation reflects caution and prioritisation. Households become careful managers of limited resources rather than eager consumers of surplus goods.

The role of government changes. In a consumer economy, government encourages spending to maintain growth. In a post-consumerism economy, stability matters more than expansion. Policy shifts towards securing essentials, protecting local supply, and enabling people to meet their needs close to home.

Localities gain importance. When transport, energy, and income are constrained, daily life contracts geographically. People rely more on what exists nearby. Informal exchange grows alongside the formal economy. Mutual support, small trading, and shared activity fill gaps left by withdrawing markets.

Cultural values change quietly. Status becomes less about ownership and more about resilience, usefulness, and contribution. Repair replaces replacement. Care replaces convenience. Sufficiency replaces excess.

Post-consumerism is not austerity imposed from above. It is a practical response to limits. It reflects an economy learning to operate within what can be sustained, rather than chasing what can no longer be afforded.

The future economy will not look smaller in human terms. It will look denser, closer, and more grounded in everyday life. It will be shaped less by what people are persuaded to want, and more by what they genuinely need.

231. Navigating Economic Turbulence: The Role of Localism Amid Hyperinflation or, Deflation, and Economic Contraction

  • In times of economic upheaval, the convergence of hyperinflation, deflation, and structural economic shrinkage can profoundly reshape societies. These phenomena, while distinct, often intertwine, leading to complex challenges and necessitating adaptive responses. One such response is the resurgence of localism—a focus on local production, consumption, and community resilience. This piece explores how these economic conditions interact and their collective impact on the shift towards localism.

Hyperinflation Amid Structural Economic Shrinkage

Hyperinflation occurs when prices rise uncontrollably, often exceeding 50% per month. This typically results from excessive money printing without corresponding economic growth, leading to a loss of confidence in the currency. The effects are exacerbated when combined with a shrinking economy, where production and employment decline.

Impacts:

  • Currency Devaluation: Rapid loss of purchasing power renders money nearly worthless.
  • Barter Systems: Communities may revert to barter or adopt alternative currencies to facilitate trade.
  • Supply Chain Disruptions: Essential goods become scarce as production halts and imports become unaffordable.

Implications for Localism:

  • Community Self-Reliance: Necessity drives communities to produce food and goods locally.
  • Strengthened Social Bonds: Shared hardships foster cooperation and mutual aid.
  • Local Currencies: Development of community-based currencies to facilitate trade and stabilise local economies.

Deflation Coupled with Economic Contraction

Deflation is characterised by a general price decline, often due to reduced consumer demand or an oversupply of goods. When paired with a contracting economy, this can lead to a deflationary spiral, with businesses closing and unemployment rising.

Impacts:

  • Increased Debt Burden: The real value of debt rises, making repayment more challenging.
  • Delayed Consumption: Consumers postpone purchases, anticipate further price drops, and suppress demand.
  • Business Failures: Reduced revenues lead to closures and job losses.

Implications for Localism:

  • Revival of Local Enterprises: As larger businesses fail, opportunities arise for local entrepreneurs to fill gaps.
  • Community Support Networks: Mutual aid becomes essential in addressing economic hardships.
  • Emphasis on Sustainability: Communities focus on sustainable practices and local resource utilisation.

Structural Economic Shrinkage: A New Normal

In my view this is already happening. After many years of growth the economy is now shrinking. Unlike a recession, which is a temporary phenomenon, economic shrinkage becomes an established norm. This is a structural contraction which necessitates a reevaluation of growth-centric economic thinking.

Impacts:

  • Reduced Workforce: Demographic shifts lead to a smaller labour pool, affecting productivity.
  • Urban Decline: Cities may experience population loss and decreased economic activity.
  • Fiscal Constraints: Governments face budgetary pressures, limiting public services.

Implications for Localism:

  • Localised Economic Planning: Communities develop tailored strategies prioritising local strengths and needs.
  • Adaptive Reuse: Repurposing existing infrastructure for community-oriented uses revitalises declining areas.
  • Resilience Building: Investing in local capacities enhances adaptability to economic changes.

Embracing Localism Amid Economic Uncertainty

The interplay of hyperinflation or deflation and structural economic shrinkage disrupts traditional economic systems, challenging communities to adapt.

Localism emerges as a pragmatic response, fostering resilience through community engagement, self-reliance, and sustainable practices. By strengthening local networks and economies, communities can better navigate economic challenges and build a foundation for long-term stability.

229. Is Britain really on the cusp of an economic boom – and what does that tell us about localism


Recent commentary has suggested that Britain is approaching a new economic boom, despite weak political leadership and lingering structural problems. This claim sits uneasily alongside independent economic forecasts, which point instead to modest growth of around 1–1.5 percent. The contrast between these two narratives is revealing, not only about the state of the economy, but about the deeper changes now under way.

This level of growth does not represent a return to the expansionary model that shaped the late twentieth century. It is better understood as economic stabilisation after a prolonged period of strain. National output may edge forward, but discretionary markets remain thin, investment cautious, and productivity gains marginal. Living standards rise slowly, if at all, and many households remain defensive in their spending behaviour.

Within a shrinking-economy framework, this outcome is entirely coherent. Economic contraction does not necessarily mean collapse. It often takes the form of a system that continues to function, but no longer expands in a way that materially improves everyday life. The formal economy remains intact, but its ability to deliver security, affordability, and predictability weakens.

When this happens, the informal economy grows quietly in the gaps. Households adapt by repairing rather than replacing, shortening supply chains, relying more on local provision, and finding ways to meet needs outside formal markets. This is not a rejection of the national economy. It is a pragmatic response to its limits.

There is a strong historical parallel with the 1930s. Then, as now, households adjusted before policy caught up. Discretionary spending fell early. Repair, reuse, and substitution became normal. Work shifted toward food, maintenance, care, and locally traded services. Local economic activity expanded not because of ideology, but because households needed resilience.

The important difference today is that Britain is materially richer but far more system-dependent. Skills have been externalised, supply chains lengthened, and regulation has extended deep into everyday life. Adjustment is therefore slower and more uneven. Yet when it does occur, it is likely to be structural rather than temporary. Once people rediscover local solutions as a matter of necessity, they tend to retain them.

Against this background, talk of an imminent economic boom is misleading. What is being described is not renewed expansion, but a pause in deterioration. Stability after strain can feel like recovery, but it does not restore the conditions that supported sustained growth in the past.

Paradoxically, it is precisely this modest, constrained stability that creates space for localism. When national systems no longer deliver enough certainty to justify full dependence on them, households and localities begin to organise differently. Economic life evolves sideways rather than upwards.

Localism, in this sense, is not a policy programme or a political aspiration. It is the natural outcome of an economy that can no longer grow as it once did, but is still capable of adapting.

227. Localism Without Announcement

Localism does not arrive with announcements, policies, or official programmes. It emerges quietly. It develops beneath the surface of the formal economy and remains largely unnoticed until it is already established. By the time it is recognised, it is no longer new. It has simply become the way people live.

This is because localism is not a reform. It is an adaptation. It grows out of necessity rather than ideology. People do not adopt it because they believe in it. They adopt it because the systems they previously relied upon no longer provide what they need.

In its early stages, localism is almost invisible to government and to economists. This is because it does not first appear as growth in new industries or investment. It appears as decline. It appears as loss. It appears as failure within the formal system.

One of the earliest signs is rising formal unemployment. This is often misunderstood. Unemployment is usually treated as a temporary malfunction, something that can be corrected by stimulus, retraining, or renewed growth. In the context of localism, it is something different. It reflects the permanent contraction of discretionary markets.

As households lose spending power, demand for non essential goods and services falls. Businesses close. Jobs disappear. These jobs do not return because the demand that sustained them no longer exists. The economy is not paused. It is shrinking.

Alongside unemployment comes a reduction in formal employment more generally. Even those still in work experience fewer hours, lower pay, or more precarious contracts. Productivity improvements no longer translate into rising wages or new opportunities. Instead, they accelerate job loss in a system that no longer needs additional output.

These changes are signals. They indicate that the industrial economy is no longer capable of providing paid employment at scale. But they do not mean that people stop working. They mean that work changes its form.

As formal employment contracts, people begin to create their own means of survival. This is the point at which localism starts to take root. It does not begin with community plans or local strategies. It begins in kitchens, sheds, gardens, and spare rooms.

Self employment becomes a defining feature. Not the entrepreneurial self employment celebrated in policy documents, but survival self employment. Small scale. Low capital. Often part time. Often informal. People do what they can, with what they have, for those around them.

This might include repairing, growing food, providing care, cooking, teaching, mending, or making simple goods. Much of this work would once have been done within households or localities before the rise of the industrial economy. It returns not because of nostalgia, but because it is once again necessary.

This form of self employment rarely shows up in official statistics. It is too small, too irregular, and too embedded in personal relationships. Some of it is unpaid. Some of it is paid in cash. Some of it is exchanged for goods or favours. None of it fits neatly into the categories used to measure economic activity.

As a result, the informal economy expands without being recorded. From the perspective of the state, economic activity appears to be stagnating or declining. In reality, work continues, but outside the formal system.

This creates a growing gap between lived experience and official data. Policymakers see falling productivity, weak growth, and low tax receipts. Local people see busy days, full lives, and networks of mutual dependence. The two realities no longer align.

Another early sign of localism is the shortening of supply chains. As money becomes scarce, people reduce travel and reduce reliance on distant suppliers. Goods and services sourced from outside the locality become less affordable and less reliable. Local alternatives, even if imperfect, become preferable.

This process is not driven by environmental concern, although it may have environmental benefits. It is driven by affordability and access. People use what is nearby because it is what they can reach and pay for.

Over time, local networks thicken. Trust becomes important again. Reputation matters. Skills are recognised locally rather than through formal qualifications. Knowledge is shared informally. This further reduces reliance on external systems.

None of this is planned. There is no central coordination. That is why it is so difficult to recognise while it is happening. Each individual adjustment appears small and isolated. Together, they represent a structural shift.

The state continues to operate as if the formal economy remains dominant. It measures what it has always measured. Employment, output, tax revenue. Because the informal economy is not measured, it is treated as if it does not exist.

This leads to confusion. Decline is interpreted as failure rather than transition. Policies are designed to restore a system that is no longer capable of functioning at its previous scale. Meanwhile, people quietly move on.

Only when localism is fully established does it become visible. At that point, the formal economy has shrunk to a supporting role. It provides essential infrastructure, core services, and regulation where necessary. Everyday life, however, is organised locally.

By then, it is too late to reverse. Nor would reversal be desirable. Localism is not a second best outcome. It is the natural form of a society adapting to permanent economic contraction.

The mistake is to look for its emergence in positive indicators. New programmes. New investments. New institutions. Localism emerges through absence. Through withdrawal. Through the quiet replacement of formal systems with informal ones that work better under constrained conditions.

Because of this, localism will not announce itself. It will not be recognised until it has already become normal. When it is finally named, it will feel familiar. It will feel as though it has always been there.

219. A Crisis of Belief – and the Paradox of Shrinkage

 

At the Tony Blair Institute, we’ve been thinking hard about what this moment truly demands. In our recent paper, Disruptive Delivery, we surveyed over 12,000 voters across the UK, US, Australia, Canada and France – and the results were sobering. Across every country, a deep sense of decline cuts across political lines. Most strikingly, just 26% of people in the UK believe children born today will be better off than their parents, the lowest figure of any country surveyed. That’s not just economic pessimism; it’s a crisis of belief in progress itself.”

This widespread despair isn’t merely about statistics—it’s about the erosion of hope in what the future can bring.  But, it depends how you see “a deep sense of decline”.


When Shrinking Isn’t Doom – and Inflation Falls, Too

Let’s explore an intriguing counterargument: if the economy shrinks, prices in general should also fall, leaving affordability little changed – or even improving – particularly when incomes and prices move in tandem.

To assess whether a smaller economy might correlate with improved affordability, let’s examine the post-war 1950s, a period of dramatic change:

Between 1951 and 1963, wages increased by 72%, while prices rose by just 45%, giving workers meaningful purchasing power.

These numbers suggest that in that period, even as the economy grew, wage gains outpaced inflation — the essence of improved affordability.

Regarding housing:

  • In 1954, the average UK house cost about £1,863,
  • In the 1950s, house prices cost 2 to 3 times annual earnings – compared with today, where affordability ratios hover around 7–9 times income.

So, in the past when the economy was smaller than now houses were more affordable than today.  But is “affordable” in today’s terms.


So: Does a Shrinking Economy Mean More Affordable Housing?

Not necessarily – but under certain conditions:

  1. If Incomes don’t fall as fast as prices affordability will improve.
  2. But we have yet to find out what will happen to housing markets as the economy shrinks.  How will future governments react to an increasing number of owners with outstanding mortgages insufficient to cover the value of their houses?
  3. What will happen to mortgage markets which used to operate in the growing economy, where buying a house was seen as an investment.  Will Building Societies survive in a shrinking economy?

In Victorian times (roughly 1837–1901), house purchase and mortgage finance were very different from today. Mortgages certainly existed, but they were far less common, the lending market was tightly regulated by social class, and large deposits were generally required. Most ordinary working families rented, while home ownership was largely restricted to the middle and upper classes until the late 19th century. Here’s a breakdown:


1. Early Victorian Period (1837–1870s)

  • Mortgages were rare for the working class.

  • Property was generally purchased outright by the wealthy or financed through private arrangements, often within families.

  • Where mortgages were available, they were provided by:

    • Solicitors (private lawyers acting as moneylenders)

    • Wealthy individuals

    • Occasionally landed estates for long-term tenants buying freeholds.

  • Loan-to-value ratios were low: lenders were conservative, typically offering up to 50% of the property’s value, sometimes less.

  • Deposits of 50% or more were common for those who borrowed.

  • Repayments were usually interest-only, with the capital repaid at the end of the term.

This meant most artisans, labourers, and low-income families had no access to mortgage finance at all and remained lifelong tenants.


2. Rise of Building Societies (1850 onwards)

By the mid-Victorian period, building societies began to transform the mortgage market, particularly for the emerging middle class and better-paid skilled workers.

  • Early building societies were terminating societies:

    • A group of members pooled savings until there was enough to build or buy each member a house, after which the society dissolved.

  • By the 1870s, permanent building societies became widespread, offering ongoing mortgage finance.

  • Building societies offered smaller loans, but on slightly better terms than solicitors.

  • Typical deposit requirement: around 20%–30% of the property value, sometimes more for riskier borrowers.

  • Repayments were usually repayment mortgages rather than interest-only, which made home ownership possible for clerks, teachers, shopkeepers, and better-off artisans.


3. Late Victorian Period (1880s–1901)

By the late Victorian era, mortgages became more widely available as the middle class expanded and suburbs grew.

  • Building societies dominated the lending market, and competition slightly improved terms.

  • Deposits of 10%–25% were possible for reliable borrowers, but 25%–33% was more typical.

  • Loan terms were short by modern standards, often 10–20 years.

  • The interest rate tended to be 4–6%, relatively stable because Britain was on the gold standard.

  • Nevertheless, most working-class families still rented, especially in cities. Home ownership remained aspirational until well into the 20th century.


4. Key Differences from Today

Aspect Victorian Mortgages Modern Mortgages
Availability Limited to middle & upper classes Widely available
Deposit 20%–50% (sometimes more) Often 5%–20%
Term 10–20 years 25–40 years
Repayment Style Mix of interest-only & repayment Mostly repayment
Lenders Solicitors, wealthy individuals, building societies Banks, building societies
Access for Working Class Very limited Widely available

 

Summary

  • The Tony Blair Institute underscores a deep-seated belief crisis about future prospects.
  • A shrinking economy can lead to lower prices—and theoretically preserve affordability—but it’s a fragile dynamic that requires incomes to fall at a slower rate than house prices – the opposite of what happened when the economy was growing..
  • In the 1950s UK, real income growth outpaced price rises, preserving affordability—though this was a time of growth, not contraction.
  • Real affordability hinges on the interplay between income, prices, and access to credit.

Key data points:

Metric Value
UK real disposable household income growth (1950–59) +22% House of Lords Library
Wage increase vs. price increase (1951–63) Wages ↑ 72% vs. Prices ↑ 45% Wikipedia
1954 house price vs. income 2–3× annual income sunlife.co.ukInsight Law
Current house price-to-income ratio (England, 2022–23) ~8.6×; poorest households ~18× Financial Times
Affordability improvement by 2024 Ratio ~7.7×, helped by wage gains Financial Times

216. When the Economy Shrinks, Capitalism Breaks

Economic shrinkage leads inevitably to the collapse of capitalism because capitalism is built on one assumption – that tomorrow’s economy will be bigger than today’s.

Every part of the system depends on that assumption. Money is created as debt. Banks lend on the belief that future income will rise, so borrowers can repay both the loan and the interest. Companies invest to expand. Governments borrow against future tax receipts. Pension systems rely on growing employment and profits. None of this holds in a shrinking economy.

Once growth ends, the system becomes unstable. When the economy contracts, it becomes mathematically impossible for all debts to be honoured. Interest requires expansion. If total output is falling, there is not enough future income to meet past promises. Defaults rise, banks pull back, credit dries up and investment collapses. This is not a failure of policy but a failure of structure.

Capitalism is not just private ownership and markets. It is a debt based growth system. When growth turns negative, that system runs in reverse. Asset prices fall. Businesses fail. Tax revenues decline. Governments borrow more to delay the reckoning, but that only increases the burden while the real economy continues to shrink.

This is why economic contraction does not produce a smaller version of capitalism. It produces something different. The financial architecture of capitalism cannot contract safely. It is built to expand. As the economy shrinks, the system slowly unravels.


Why Borrowing Fails in a Shrinking Economy

In a growing economy, large projects are funded by borrowing. Roads, railways, housing estates, power stations and hospitals are built with debt. The loans are repaid from future income – rents, fares, tolls, profits and taxes. This only works if future income is larger than today’s.

In a shrinking economy, future income is lower. Borrowing to build becomes dangerous. Projects cannot repay their loans. Infrastructure cannot be refinanced. New schemes are cancelled because the numbers no longer add up. Debt no longer mobilises development – it blocks it.

This does not mean that building stops. It means the funding system changes.


From Borrowing to Using Savings

As growth fades, savings become more important than borrowing. The future will not be built on credit created by banks. It will be built on money that already exists.

There is a fundamental difference between borrowing to invest and using someone’s savings. Borrowing assumes that growth will generate new income to repay the debt. Using savings means one person temporarily gives up spending so that another can use those resources now. Interest becomes a payment for waiting, not a claim on future expansion.

In a shrinking economy this distinction becomes decisive. Money lent out of savings can be repaid even when the economy is not growing. Money created as debt cannot.

This is why finance will become smaller, slower and more local. Loans will be based on real savings, not on credit created against speculative growth.


Friendly Societies and Local Mortgages

Before modern banking dominated finance, much of this already existed.

In the nineteenth century, most ordinary people did not get mortgages from large banks. They got them from people and institutions rooted in their locality. Families, neighbours, tradesmen and small investors lent their savings directly to buyers. These private mortgages were secured on land or buildings and enforced by social trust as much as by law.

Friendly Societies and early building societies played a central role. They were mutual organisations. Members pooled their savings so that others could buy land or build homes. The interest stayed within the community. When their purpose had been fulfilled, many societies were dissolved.

This was not borrowing to speculate on rising prices. It was the use of local savings to meet real needs – housing, land and security.


Land, Food and Tied Cottages

In a shrinking economy, food becomes one of the most stable sources of income. Farmers will therefore become important builders again.

As food production regains priority, farms will generate steady cash flow from selling food to nearby populations. Part of those profits will be used to build cottages for family members and for workers. These are tied cottages – homes linked to the farm that provides employment and food.

This is a form of development that does not require bank debt. The building is funded from real surplus produced by the land. The housing supports the labour that keeps the land productive. It is a closed loop, grounded in physical reality rather than financial speculation.


What Replaces Capitalist Finance

As capitalism weakens, growth based borrowing gives way to savings based lending. Local people, families, Friendly Societies, cooperatives and farms will hold and allocate capital.

Land and buildings will no longer be priced mainly as speculative assets. They will be valued for what they provide – food, shelter, work and security.

The future will not be built on promises of expansion. It will be built from saved resources, shared risk and the steady returns of a smaller, more local economy.

215. When the System Breaks Down

For most of the modern period the economic system has rested on a single, rarely questioned assumption – that growth is normal, permanent, and ultimately recoverable even after shocks. This assumption is not just cultural or political. It is hard-wired into the credit system itself. Credit does not merely expect growth. It requires it.

When we refer to “the system” we are not talking about a single institution or a small group of decision-makers. The system is the interconnected structure of finance, government, corporate organisation, regulation, accounting conventions, pensions, welfare provision, and public expectation that has evolved around the presumption of continuous economic expansion. No one controls it in full. Everyone operating within it responds to its signals. Its behaviour emerges from shared rules, incentives, and assumptions rather than deliberate coordination.

Modern credit is created against the future. Loans are issued on the assumption that tomorrow’s economy will be larger than today’s, that incomes will rise, asset values will increase, and tax receipts will expand. Interest is not a marginal feature of this system. It is the mechanism that forces expansion. The borrower must return more than was borrowed, which is only possible at scale if the total economy grows. Without growth, the mathematics fails.

For decades this contradiction has been hidden by delay, displacement, and financial engineering. When real growth slowed, credit growth accelerated. When wages stagnated, households borrowed. When productive investment weakened, asset prices were inflated. The system learned how to simulate growth even as physical throughput, energy surplus, and real productivity began to flatten. But simulation is not the same as substance.

The critical moment arrives when the system itself grasps that growth has ended, not temporarily, not cyclically, but structurally. This is not a philosophical realisation or a political announcement. It is a collective adjustment in behaviour across markets, institutions, and regulators. It shows up first in pricing, lending criteria, and risk models. Credit markets begin to doubt future repayment not because of panic or ideology, but because the underlying cash flows are no longer credible.

Credit markets are exquisitely sensitive to expectation. A small change in perceived risk produces a disproportionate reaction. Once lenders believe that future expansion will not materialise, risk premiums rise, refinancing dries up, and liquidity retreats. Debt that could previously be rolled over quietly becomes unserviceable overnight. The implosion does not require mass defaults at first. It only requires the refusal to extend new credit.

This is why the collapse begins in the financial system but does not stay there. The physical economy now depends on continuous credit flow. Supply chains rely on working capital. Energy systems rely on financing. Local authorities rely on borrowing. Households rely on credit to smooth income shortfalls. When credit contracts sharply, activity stops not gradually but abruptly.

Factories do not close because they have run out of raw materials. They close because invoices cannot be financed. Transport does not cease because roads disappear, but because fuel purchases cannot be bridged. Shops do not shut because people have stopped eating, but because inventory cannot be funded. The physical economy is strangled by the withdrawal of abstract trust.

This moment is often misunderstood as a banking crisis or a market failure. In reality it is a recognition event. The system recognises that its future claims exceed what the real economy can deliver. Once recognised, this imbalance cannot be negotiated away. Interest rate cuts no longer restore confidence. Quantitative easing inflates assets but does not revive productive demand. Fiscal stimulus struggles because it too relies on future growth to justify present borrowing.

What follows is not a single crash but a cascading contraction. Asset prices fall because they were priced on perpetual expansion. Pension funds weaken because their assumptions no longer hold. Public finances deteriorate because tax bases shrink. Political authority weakens because it was built on promises that can no longer be honoured.

At this stage the language of recovery becomes misleading. There is no return to the old trajectory because the old trajectory was a product of surplus energy, cheap resources, expanding populations, and accelerating complexity. Those conditions are no longer present. Credit markets are simply the first place where this reality becomes visible.

The danger lies in mistaking this transition for a temporary malfunction. Attempts to force growth back into existence through ever larger debts only deepen the eventual implosion. The system becomes more fragile, not more resilient. Each intervention raises the scale of failure required to clear the imbalance.

Yet this moment also clarifies something essential. If credit collapses because growth has ended, then any future stability must be built on a different foundation. One that does not depend on perpetual expansion. One that aligns financial claims with physical reality. One that accepts contraction, localisation, and simplification as structural features rather than policy failures.

The implosion of credit markets is not the end of the physical economy, but it is the end of the economy organised around debt-fuelled growth. What follows will be harder, smaller, and more local. But it will also be more honest. The system will no longer be able to pretend that tomorrow can always pay for today.

The moment the system grasps that growth has ended is therefore not just a financial turning point. It is the moment when reality finally asserts itself over abstraction.

211. The National Debt Could Soar to Three Times the Size of the British Economy

The United Kingdom appears to be trapped in a growing list of failures. Public services are deteriorating. Local government is close to financial collapse. The NHS is permanently in crisis. Housing is unaffordable. Infrastructure decays faster than it is repaired. Productivity stagnates. Politics has become brittle and short-term. Worst of all, household incomes lag while costs rise and debt burdens strain families. None of this is accidental, and none of it is primarily the result of poor management alone.

A more plausible explanation is that the UK economy is no longer growing in any meaningful sense, yet almost every part of the system continues to behave as if growth will soon return.

For most of the post-war period, the economy expanded. Rising energy use, favourable demographics and expanding global trade made it reasonable to assume that tomorrow would be larger than today. On that assumption, debt made sense. Borrowing could be justified because future income would be higher. Institutions were designed around that expectation.

That assumption no longer holds.

The economy is constrained by energy limits, ecological damage, global instability and an ageing population. Discretionary spending is shrinking. Real productivity gains are elusive. International trade is more fragile. The result is not collapse, but contraction: slow, uneven, politically awkward contraction.

The trouble is that the system has not adapted.

Recent reporting highlights this mismatch. A Daily Telegraph analysis warns that welfare spending pressures could push public debt dramatically higher if left unchecked, with some think-tank scenarios suggesting debt could soar to several times the size of the British economy without corrective policy. The Telegraph The framing is telling: the worry is not just the level of debt today, but the assumption that growth will continue to make servicing and reducing that debt feasible.

One clear measure of this mismatch is the public debt burden. UK public sector net debt stands near the highest levels in decades — elevated by weak growth rather than dramatic overspending on major emergencies such as world wars, when debt spiked above 200 per cent of GDP but was subsequently reduced through strong post-war growth. Today’s economy lacks the expansion to replicate that trajectory, leaving debt ratios high because the denominator (GDP) is subdued.

But policymakers still operate as if growth will solve tomorrow’s problems.

Government still borrows on the assumption that future growth will pay for today’s spending. Tax policy assumes rising incomes. Public spending commitments assume expanding revenue. When growth fails to appear, the response is not redesign but strain. Services are cut. Maintenance is deferred. Staff are overworked. Local authorities are pushed to the edge because their funding models depend on rising economic activity that no longer exists.

Local government illustrates the problem clearly. Councils are expected to deliver more with less while maintaining standards set during a growth era. They are encouraged to behave entrepreneurially, investing in property or commercial schemes to replace lost funding. These strategies only make sense if asset values and rental income keep rising. In a shrinking economy, they fail, leaving councils exposed, indebted and close to insolvency.

The NHS is caught in the same trap. It is designed for a world where funding grows faster than demand. Instead, it faces rising demand from an older and less healthy population, higher costs, and a tax base under pressure. The response has been to squeeze staff productivity, delay treatment, and centralise control. These measures do not resolve the underlying mismatch between a growth-based funding model and a non-growing economy.

Large businesses behave similarly. Many are structured around debt, shareholder returns, and expansion. When markets stagnate, they cut investment, reduce employment quality, and extract value rather than create it. This weakens local economies further, reducing demand and increasing dependence on public support.

Households feel the effects directly. Wages stagnate while costs rise. Debt becomes harder to service. Younger people are locked out of housing because the system assumes ever-rising asset values. Older people rely more heavily on public services that are already overstretched. Social trust erodes as competition for limited resources intensifies.

Politics, too, is distorted by false expectations. Parties promise improvements that depend on growth they cannot deliver. When promises fail, public confidence collapses. Short-term fixes replace long-term thinking. Central control tightens because systems under stress default to command rather than adaptation.

What is missing from almost all mainstream debate is the possibility that the economy is not temporarily underperforming but structurally shrinking. If that is the case, then many current policies are not merely ineffective — they are actively damaging. They force institutions, households and communities to behave as if tomorrow will be richer when in fact it is likely to be poorer.

A shrinking economy requires a different logic. Debt must be reduced rather than expanded. Systems must be simplified rather than scaled up. Local resilience must replace central optimisation. Informal and community-based activity must complement formal systems that can no longer meet all needs.

The UK’s troubles may not be signs of failure in the usual sense. They may be symptoms of a system designed for expansion trying — and failing — to operate in an age of contraction. Until that reality is acknowledged, policy will continue to treat consequences while ignoring causes, and the strain will deepen.

Britain’s national debt could soar to more than three times the size of its economy if politicians do not control spiralling welfare spending, analysis has found.

Researchers now predict that public debt will be 330 per cent of GDP by 2075 – higher than official estimates from the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR).

This is higher than after either world war, or at any point since records began in the 18th century. Debt was below 50 per cent of GDP as recently as the early 2000s.

The Adam Smith Institute (ASI), a think tank, said the large increase in debt could only be avoided if productivity improved and politicians made significant cuts to health and welfare spending, including the pensions triple lock.

Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor, has promised to bring down the cost of paying interest on the country’s debt, which currently stands at around 10 per cent of all public spending.

But the OBR says the overall size of the public debt will continue to inflate because of Britain’s ageing population, welfare state and healthcare system.

210. David Frost Is Right – the End of Growth Makes His Case Unavoidable

  • In the closing paragraph of a recent piece in the Daily Telegraph, David Frost offers a sharp critique of modern government.

He argues that failure is inevitable when the state takes on too much, observing that “the only real answer to government failure is to limit what government actually does.” He also questions why we distrust politicians and bureaucrats while continuing to hand them more power.

That argument already points strongly towards localism, even if Frost himself does not yet take the final step.

Frost treats state failure as a political and administrative problem. But it is also an economic one. We are entering a period of economic contraction, not expansion. In a shrinking economy, the present system of government cannot be sustained. Centralised states are built on growth. They rely on rising tax receipts, expanding markets, and increasing discretionary spending to fund complex national systems. When growth ends, those systems begin to fracture.

Economic contraction has the practical effect of breaking up the existing model of government. As resources tighten, the state is forced either to withdraw or to ration more harshly. Attempting to maintain universal, centrally managed systems under these conditions only accelerates failure. Bureaucracy expands as outcomes deteriorate. Control increases as effectiveness declines.

This is where Frost’s argument becomes unanswerable, even if he does not yet acknowledge it. If there can be no more growth, then limiting what government does is not a choice but a necessity. The question is not whether the state should retreat, but how and in whose favour.

Localism provides the answer. When Frost says we must break out of the mindset that nothing can happen unless the state is involved, he is describing the mental barrier that prevents adaptation to contraction. Localism removes that barrier. It allows activity to continue even as national systems weaken, by relocating responsibility, decision-making, and production to the level of the locality.

Farming illustrates this clearly. Frost notes that viability does not have to be made subject to DEFRA and Treasury bureaucrats. In a contracting economy, it cannot be. Food production must respond to local land, labour, and need. Central schemes designed for an expanding economy become obstacles rather than supports. Local systems, though smaller and less uniform, are more resilient.

The same applies to energy, education, and care. Large, national systems depend on surplus. Local systems depend on knowledge, relationships, and adaptability. As discretionary spending declines, only the latter can survive without constant crisis management from the centre.

Frost calls for massive state surgery. Economic contraction ensures that surgery will happen whether politicians like it or not. Localism determines whether that process is chaotic and imposed from above, or deliberate and shaped from below.

The deeper issue is cultural. For decades, people have been trained to expect solutions from the centre. Growth made that illusion affordable. Contraction removes it. Localism restores a more realistic settlement, where responsibility is visible, limits are understood, and society continues to function even as the state does less.

Frost is right that things will keep getting worse until the scale of the state is reduced. Once the reality of permanent economic contraction is accepted, his argument leaves no alternative. Localism is not ideology. It is what remains when growth is gone.

209. Best Wishes for 2026: It will be interesting

We are living through a period of profound misallocation. Enormous amounts of money, energy and material are still being poured into activities that only make sense in a growing economy. In a post-growth world, many of these investments cannot deliver what they promise. When financial bubbles burst, they do not so much destroy value as reveal that the value was never there in the first place. The damage was done earlier, during the period of optimism, when malinvestment was mistaken for progress.

This problem is sharpened by the growing divide between two economies. The real economy, grounded in energy, materials, food and labour, is already contracting. The financial economy, by contrast, continues to expand through debt, speculation and asset inflation. These two trajectories cannot coexist indefinitely. When money grows faster than the physical systems that support it, trust in money itself begins to fail. A fracture in the financial system is not a distant possibility. It is a structural outcome.

When that fracture occurs, even basic questions become difficult. How will trade function if trust in money collapses? How will essentials be exchanged? Modern economies depend heavily on imports, not only of discretionary goods but of energy, food, minerals and components. No country is truly self-sufficient. A breakdown in financial systems therefore becomes a breakdown in physical supply chains.

At the same time, consumerism continues to place excessive demands on the planet. Energy use remains high. Resource extraction continues. Environmental damage accumulates. Yet the ending of consumerism is rarely discussed in practical terms. How do societies adapt when consumption must fall, not by choice but by necessity? This is not simply an economic question. It is a social one.

Inequality adds another layer of instability. Wealth and power have become increasingly concentrated. These inequalities are not accidental, and they will be fiercely defended by those who benefit from them. As pressures increase, the gap between what systems can provide and what elites seek to preserve is likely to widen, not narrow.

Competition for scarce resources is already reshaping global relationships. The old assumptions of stability, cooperation and rules-based order are weakening. This is not an aberration. It is a predictable response to scarcity. Managing this process peacefully will be one of the hardest challenges of the coming years.

Climate change intensifies all of these pressures. Rising temperatures, disrupted food systems and extreme weather are already driving migration. These movements will grow. Attempts to manage them through borders alone will fail, because the underlying causes are structural.

Taken together, these trends point to a future defined less by growth and more by adaptation. The central task is no longer how to expand the system, but how to manage contraction without collapse. That requires honesty about limits, a rethinking of trade and money, and a shift towards more local, materially grounded forms of economic life. The alternative is not stability, but unmanaged breakdown.

What to do? I will sit back and watch. Apart from ridding ourselves of debts, there’s nothing we can do until the powers-that-be recognise that growth has ended. Then we will be able manage our own moves into localism.

201. Madmen and Economists

from Tim Morgan’s Website: Copied with his permission

THE ESCALATING DANGERS OF ECONOMIC DENIAL

Foreword

One of the greatest mysteries of our times is why the authorities have not only permitted but actively, through their policy choices, promoted the formation of the biggest bubble in financial history, whilst knowing perfectly well, all along, how this must end.

They cannot have done this simply to further enrich the already wealthy, since they must know perfectly well that asset value aggregates can never be converted in their entirety into spendable money.

The answer is that fears of the consequences of a bursting bubble are out-matched by an even greater fear – that the ending and reversal of economic growth might move from the land of theory into the realm of established fact.

If it ever became known that the economy had stopped growing and started to shrink, no existing set of social, political or commercial arrangements could survive.

The denial of economic inflexion is the sine qua non for the defence of the status quo. Nowhere in the world is worse equipped than the West for surviving the ending and reversal of growth.

There may indeed be people in authority who sincerely believe that monetary stimulus can reinvigorate a faltering material economy.

Many might also have swallowed the parallel tarradiddle, which is that human technological ingenuity can overturn the laws of physics to make possible the alchemist’s dream of ‘infinite economic growth on a finite planet’.

What seems to have happened is that the only lever that decision-makers can pull in a slumping economy is the lever of financial stimulus, the use of which in turn triggers a runaway compounding process of escalating risk.

This article must begin with an apology for the hiatus since #314: How wealth dies was published on 2nd November. Whilst the ending and reversal of growth has long been predictable, the sheer pace at which decline has been accelerating has called for considerable reflection.

As you may know, the Surplus Energy Economics interpretation of economics is based on a comparison between the “real” economy of material products and services and the parallel “financial” economy of money, transactions and credit.

The productive process which drives the underlying “real” economy works by using energy to convert other raw materials into products, artefacts and infrastructures, as part of a continuous cycle of production, consumption, relinquishment and replacement.

Though depletion has subjected the non-energy resource base – including minerals, non-metallic mining products, biomass and accessible water – to gradual degradation, the primary factor driving the material economy from growth into contraction has been a relentless rise in the proportionate cost of energy.

Measured here as the Energy Cost of Energy, this cost has climbed from 2.0% in 1980, and 4.3% in 2000, to more than 11% today.

Fig. 1

A long-standing debate about the economy is whether material constraints will, or won’t, eventually put an end to growth.

Kenneth Boulding famously said that only “a madman or an economist” could believe that exponential economic growth could carry on forever on a finite planet.

His view was reinforced and quantified by the authors of the contemporaneous The Limits to Growth (LtG), who set out the interconnected processes which would put an end to economic expansion.

But “eventual” has always been a key word in this argument. Though no timescales were specified in LtG, the accompanying charts appeared to put this ending of growth somewhere between 2020 and 2030, which was a matter of little immediate concern when the report was published back in 1972.

LtG has been revisited on a number of occasions, and these reviews have tended to vindicate the original thesis. As this has happened, time has moved on, and the moment of inflexion from economic growth into contraction has drawn ever nearer.

SEEDS analysis concurs with the LtG projections, indicating that material economic growth might already have ended, and that the economy will have inflected into contraction by the end of this decade.

This has been a matter of modelled calculation, but there’s an abundance of external evidence to support it.

Living costs are rising in a way that cannot be explained away as some kind of temporary and self-correcting “crisis”.

In domestic affairs, economic hardship and financial insecurity are combining with elevated levels of inequality to undermine social and political cohesion.

International relations have been degenerating into bare-knuckled fights over scarce and dwindling resources.

But the single most compelling piece of evidence for the onset of economic contraction is the gigantic bubble that has been inflated across almost all classes of assets in modern times.

Over the past twenty years, aggregate debt has increased by 165% in inflation-adjusted terms, and broader liabilities – incompletely reported as the assets of the financial system – have expanded by not less than 210%. The real-terms value of global equities has increased by about 250% since 2004.

Against this, reported real GDP has grown by 96%, meaning that each dollar of reported growth has been accompanied by net new financial liabilities of at least $8.

Even this calculation drastically understates the severity of the situation, for two main reasons.

First, the aggregate financial liabilities referenced here do not include enormous “gaps” in the under-resourcing of forward pensions promises.

Second, and even more seriously, most of the “growth” reported in recent times has been cosmetic, amounting to nothing more than the transactional spending of vast amounts of borrowed money.

SEEDS analysis puts real growth in prosperity since 2004 at only 25%, reflecting a 37% increase in energy consumption, a dramatic rise in ECoEs, and a gradual decline in the rate at which energy use converts other resources into economic value.

The scale risk of extreme increases in liabilities has been compounded by rising complexity risk as the financial system has morphed into a bafflingly Byzantine structure of inter-dependent cross-collateralisation.

We can estimate that, over the past twenty years, the regulated banking system has accounted for barely a quarter of the increase in financial commitments, with the unregulated NBFI (“shadow banking”) sector contributing about two-thirds.

In essence, qualitative risk has increased as the centre of gravity of credit supply has migrated from the comparatively transparent and conservative centre of the financial system to its opaque and dangerous periphery.

Everyone knows how the reckless over-inflation of bubbles always ends, and many are familiar with the truism that “you can’t taper a ponzi”.

“Everyone” in this context necessarily includes the authorities, which raises the question of why decision-makers have acquiesced in the inflation of a bubble which far exceeds, both in scale and in qualitative risk, anything previously experienced.

In fact, the authorities haven’t just acquiesced in the inflation of the “everything bubble”, but have been conspicuously active in its creation.

Starting in the 1990s, they promoted “credit adventurism” by making debt easier to obtain than ever before. After the GFC of 2008-09, they doubled down with the “monetary adventurism” of QE, ZIRP and NIRP.

The monetary tightening introduced during the immediate period of post-pandemic inflation is already being relaxed, and there’s every reason to suppose that a reversion to QE looms in the very near future.

Meanwhile, governments have become primary drivers of credit expansion, with public debt soaring as fiscal deficits now routinely exceed – in some cases, far exceed – reported “growth”.

But why would governments and central banks knowingly court the chaos that must result from the bursting of ‘the bubble to end all bubbles’?

Charles Hugh Smith has given us the clue to this seemingly inexplicable behaviour in a particularly perceptive recent article in which he explained that “the entire bubble economy is a hallucination”.

A “hallucination”, of course, is ‘a perception that differs from material reality’, or, in the simplest of terms, a false narrative. The “false narrative” to which we have been subjected is that economic growth not only hasn’t stopped, but won’t.

If it ever had to be admitted that economic growth had ended, you see, all existing social, political and commercial arrangements would be invalidated. The succeeding priority would be the sustenance of the generality.

This is a change of direction that might be survived by Russia or China – albeit not without significant difficulties – but would put an end to the post-capitalist expediency (PCE) now prevalent in the West.

This takes us to the two arguments customarily advanced against the idea that material finality might ever put an end to growth.

The first of these is that, since the economy can be explained and managed in terms of money alone, our complete control over the human artefact of money puts our economic destiny entirely in our own hands.

The second is that the continuity of growth will ensured by human ingenuity, enacted as limitless technological advance.

The recurrence of the word “human” in both of these arguments points to their inherent super-hubris. We are, we’re told, Lords of Creation, who can financially innovate, and technologically circumvent, any obstacle to ‘infinite, exponential economic growth on a finite planet’.

Neither of these claims survives rational appraisal.

First, the economy is not shaped by money. Within our two economies conception, we know that money has no intrinsic worth, but commands value only in terms of those material things for which it can be exchanged. This, in Surplus Energy Economics, is the principle of money as claim.

We can indeed create money in virtually limitless amounts, but we cannot similarly create those material things without which money has no meaningful value. Unlike money, energy and raw materials can’t be loaned into existence by the banking system, or conjured out of the ether by central banks.

In essence, money is a proxy for material economic prosperity, whilst the basis of this prosperity is the use of energy to convert natural resources into material products and infrastructures.

The second claim is, if possible, even more hubristically fallacious than the first. Far from being limitless, the potential of technology is contained within an envelope of possibility whose boundaries are set by the laws of physics and the characteristics of materials.

This comes down to a vindication of what Kenneth Boulding said more than half a century ago. The claim that ‘exponential growth can go on forever in a finite world’ is made, if not exactly by ‘madmen and economists’, then on the basis of orthodox economics and cornucopian fantasy.

Beyond its sheer size, what’s truly fascinating about the mania for all things AI-related is the way in which it fuses together the monetary and technological delusions that support the claim of never-ending economic growth.

Critical to this fusion is a disregard for the constraints of material finality.

Whatever promise the technology itself might offer, the current Western business model for AI makes vast demands for material resources, the most significant of which are energy and water. Even if these resources actually exist at the requisite scale – which is very far from certain – they can only be channelled into AI at the direct expense of households and other businesses.

The AI bubble also differs in other significant ways from previous exercises in irrational exuberance. For a start, whereas most of the money lost in the dotcom bust was equity, most of the value at risk in AI is debt, with significant cross-financing involved.

The assets used as collateral for this debt are likely to have remarkably little residual value – it’s hard to foresee much money being recovered from fire-sales of burned out or obsolete GPUs, or much of a post-crash market for vast single-purpose buildings ‘in the middle of nowhere’.

Whilst also noting the likelihood of AI degradation through the regurgitation of its own slop, it would be unwise to dismiss the transformative potential of artificial intelligence.

Rather, it seems likely that an alternative business model for AI will emerge, one that uses less capital, requires fewer resources, and, perhaps, sets itself less ambitious objectives.

What we have been seeing, then, is the use of reckless financial expansion in an effort to either counter, or disguise, the ending and reversal of economic growth.

Before we leap to the conclusion that this has been a deliberately-promoted false narrative, we need to allow for the fact that fiscal and monetary stimulus is an addictive drug, and a particularly alluring one when no other course of action is available.

Either way, we have long known that a financial system entirely predicated on the false presumption of economic expansion in perpetuity couldn’t possibly survive the ending and reversal of growth.

What recent events have been telling us is that, whilst policy-makers seem to be panicking, the moment of economic inflexion is drawing very close indeed. It might, in this context, be of interest that “the astronomical level of insider selling of publicly traded stocks” has now reached levels second only to those of 2007 – and we know what happened after that.

199. What Individuals Can Do in a World Filled with Conflict

A recent article on the website Our Finite World explores what people can do as the global economy becomes more fragile and conflict becomes more common. It argues that falling energy supply, rising extraction costs, growing debt, and the increasing complexity of modern life point towards a long period of contraction. The article can be read here:
https://ourfiniteworld.com/2025/06/18/what-should-individuals-do-in-a-world-filled-with-conflict

In this uncertain environment, the author suggests several practical steps for individuals.

Be thankful for what you have now
We are still living in conditions that most people in the world would regard as fortunate. We have a wide choice of food, warm homes, and access to services. It is helpful to recognise this rather than constantly wanting more.

Keep away from conflict
As cheap energy declines, global supply chains and long distance trade will become unstable. This may lead to tension between countries and within countries. Individuals gain little from being drawn into political or physical conflicts. It is safer to stay clear.

Expect simpler living and fewer goods
The complex systems we rely on may not last. High tech medicine, electronic equipment, imported goods, and replacement parts depend on global supply chains. These systems may fail or become unreliable. We should adjust our expectations and prepare for a simpler life.

Rethink saving for retirement
If the economy shrinks, there may be fewer goods and services available in future years. Money may lose value. The traditional idea of saving for retirement may not make sense in a contracting economy. Many people may need to work for as long as they are able.

Live in shared or extended households if possible
Sharing space lowers costs. Larger households mean shared cooking, shared heating, and shared help with daily tasks. Living with family or trusted friends may provide greater stability in difficult times.

Avoid taking on large debts
The article argues that the economy has produced too many people with long and expensive educations for the number of jobs available. It suggests that young people might consider practical or hands-on skills rather than long university degrees that create heavy debts.

Stay healthy and avoid ultra processed food
As hospitals and medical supply chains come under pressure it will become more important to stay healthy. This means simple food, home cooking, less sugar, modest amounts of meat, and regular movement such as walking.

Grow some of your own food
Even a small garden can provide fruit or vegetables. It will not make anyone fully self-sufficient. But small steps matter and provide a degree of security.


Why I Think This Matters

The article fits closely with the ideas I have been developing about the future of the United Kingdom. The decline in cheap energy, the rising cost of imported goods, and the loss of discretionary income will move the country towards a simpler and more local economy.

This will include more small farms, more local food processing, and more households growing some of their own food. It will include fewer long journeys, fewer imported goods, and a shift from highly skilled industrial jobs to more practical work with the hands. The future industrial economy will contract. The social economy will grow. Locality will become the centre of life.

The article reinforces the view that the coming shift will not be a matter of choice. It will be driven by physical limits. In that sense it supports the need to prepare for a smaller but more grounded way of living.

196, The Coming Reset and the Natural Emergence of a Localist, No Debt Economy

In his latest Post, Tim Watkins argues that many of the crises now closing in on us share a common root. Our monetary system relies on debt based money. New money appears only when someone takes out a loan. Interest then has to be paid on that loan. This structure forces the economy to expand year after year. If expansion slows, the strain increases. If it stops, the system begins to break.

Watkins warns that the global debt mountain is now at a point where it can no longer be supported. Once confidence falters, a major crash becomes likely. Such a crash would not simply cause a short downturn. It could trigger the rapid unravelling of global trade. Western countries would be hit hard. They have relied on currency dominance to obtain cheap food, fuel and manufactured goods from outside the locality. If that advantage disappears, shortages will follow. The hardship could be worse than the 1930s as even basic needs become uncertain.

He points to the example of the Soviet collapse. When its economic structure fell apart, life expectancy dropped sharply. He argues that something similar could happen in the West if debt based systems fail. This is not a forecast anyone would welcome. Yet it highlights how exposed we have become. Long fragile supply chains depend on cheap credit, cheap energy and political stability. All three are weakening.

Watkins suggests that after such a shock, attitudes may shift. People and the politicians they elect may have to accept that sustainability means living within limits. Managed decline will become necessary. Growth can no longer be the aim in a world of constrained resources and declining discretionary markets. In this new reality, debt based money becomes unworkable. It demands expansion when expansion is no longer possible. It traps households, businesses and governments in a structure that cannot survive the end of growth.

Once the debt based model breaks, something else must take its place. This is where the future begins to take shape. Without large flows of credit, without global supply chains, and without the ability to import essentials cheaply, economies naturally shrink in scale. Production moves closer to where people live. Exchange becomes simpler. Communities focus first on securing food, heat and shelter. In time, this creates space for a localist economy. It does not arise from political ideology. It emerges because local exchange becomes the only dependable system when the wider world becomes unstable.

Such an economy does not rely on debt. It relies on mutual support, direct production, personal trust and the use of simple local forms of money or barter that do not require constant expansion. It allows people to meet their needs without loading themselves with obligations that cannot be repaid in a contracting world. It replaces interest bearing debt with reciprocal arrangements and practical cooperation. It allows localities to adapt at their own pace rather than being dragged into crises created far away.

If Watkins is right, the monetary reset will not simply change how we think about finance. It will change the shape of society. The industrial economy will continue to shrink. The social economy will expand around it. And if I am right, a localist, no debt economy is not only possible. It is the natural outcome once the current debt based system reaches its limits.

194. The Decline of Surplus Energy:  What it Means

Now and then, I have to remind myself where I have got to in my thinking.

For two centuries, the UK economy grew because we had cheap energy with a large surplus.  We put a little energy into getting a lot back.  That surplus powered everything beyond basic survival, including, for a while, the consumer-based economy, much of which is discretionary.

Discretionary businesses and markets depend on people having spare money created by surplus energy in the broader economy.  When surplus energy is high and energy costs are low, households can afford extras such as leisure, travel, and luxury goods. 

Essential businesses rely on steady demand for food, heat, and basic services, and their markets shrink or grow only slightly as energy conditions change. 

As surplus energy falls and energy costs rise, households cut back on discretionary spending first, which causes those markets to contract while essential markets remain the backbone of daily life.

Now the surplus is decreasing, and we have become focused on affording the essentials.  Less is left over for comfort, variety, and growth.

What this means for prosperity

Prosperity depends on what is left after the basics are paid for.

When energy costs increase, households have less money for eating out, leisure activities, holiday travel, new clothes, and gadgets.  Firms have less to invest in staff and new kit.  The State collects less tax from slowing activity, while costs for health care, care, and infrastructure continue to rise.  

The result is a slow squeeze on the domestic and wider economies.  

Discretionary markets are now shrinking.  Second-hand replaces brand new.  Some replacements cannot be afforded.  It feels like a reduction in choice, pace, and reach.

What if the present UK system remains unchanged?

Assume the government tries to run the current model with blinkers on, as if nothing basic has changed.

Debt will try to bridge the gap of the declining surplus.  Households will juggle higher bills and lower real incomes.  Local shops will thin out.  Out-of-town retailing will struggle with energy and transport costs.  Public services will, in effect, be rationed through increased waiting times.  Councils will delay maintenance.  National supply chains will trim their range and carry less stock.

Daily life is already stepping back toward past habits.  People travel less and nearer to home.  More meals are cooked from basic ingredients (something now being rediscovered).  Gardens and allotments will become part of domestic economies, not just hobbies.  Homes will fill with repaired items.  Sharing will become normal, from tools to car lifts.

Much of the formal framework will be retained, as an informal layer emerges beneath it.  

The system quietly reverts to an older pattern, albeit boosted by modern technology.

Will this be an evolution or a revolution in the economic system?

Both are possible.  

Evolution occurs when institutions acknowledge the energy constraint and redesign their use of money, services, and daily behaviour to accommodate a world that is no longer expanding.  

Revolution occurs when the formal system fails to adapt despite rising pressure.  The outcome includes a decline in honesty and trust.  Although it may not be acknowledged, unconscious lying is a response to the ensuing muddle.  Because people become unable to cope.  From top to bottom in society, this may already be happening.

How change actually happens

Change is an evolutionary process.  The government may want us to think it rules the roost, but in reality, the natural evolution of the economy determines what happens.

As the return on energy declines, discretionary sectors become memories of good times, and the rising costs of essentials creep into everything. 

For example, heating all the rooms in our homes, an essential we grew up with, is becoming unaffordable and discretionary.  Those of us who lived through the 1940s and 50s, when the economy was much smaller than it is now, will remember how we clustered round the only open fire and were kept warm, filling the coal scuttle.

Tax receipts will decline, and the state will have to trim benefits.  Local authorities will defer projects.  Households will move decision by decision toward thrift.  Informal exchange will grow, from neighbourly help to small cash jobs.  

In response to the shrinking economy, pay rates charged by electricians, plumbers, and builders for household work will decrease.  Their purchase and maintenance of electrical tools will become unaffordable, and they will have to revert to using hand tools.  DIY and self-built housing will increase, with some opting for off-grid living in response to rising utility prices.

The number of small businesses may increase because the margins of large-scale operations are too thin.  

A parallel economy will form, close to home.  Black markets in rationed food will develop.

If policy stays fixed, stress builds.  Debt becomes harder to service.  Banks and lenders pull back.  Shocks, such as a winter price spike or a supply interruption, will expose the lack of slack.  Trust in promises, both public and private, will weaken.  People and firms seek reliability over growth.  They value a steady supply over a low sticker price.  They accept less variety if it is nearer and more certain.  

The formal rules either bend to reality or break.  Goods and services become less trustworthy.  Home deliveries fail and are stolen.

What a managed evolution could look like

If the Government and councils recognise that the era of economic growth and surpluses is over, there will be an opportunity to shift to an entirely new way of thinking. 

The first step will be for the government to recognise that a radical shift in thinking is needed.  There can be no further economic growth.  This will take time to be generally accepted and become the norm.

In the meantime, the UK will slip into an Anomie system.  It may already be there.

In anomic systems, there is a growing absence of social rules, norms, and expectations that once guided people’s behaviour.

  • Society’s norms become unclear or weakened.
  • People feel disconnected, uncertain, or without guidance.
  • Traditional structures no longer provide stability.

In short, anomie is the feeling or condition of normlessness.  Everything will seem to be muddled.

The outcome of this rethink must be recognition that the hierarchical systems of governance that enabled the industrial/consumer economy to develop are over.

The focus must shift from maximising throughput and economic growth, led from the top down, to enabling people in local communities to secure their essentials.  Hierarchies enable growth; once growth ceases, they have to be de-layered and dismantled.

Planning and licensing will need to facilitate small-scale production, repair, and food production.  Procurement must favour nearer suppliers to cut energy costs.  Community buses, driven by volunteers, will replace conventional services.  A transition which is already underway in country areas.

A kind of management is needed which enables this to happen.  Not top-down, but enabling bottom-up grassroots activities to be born and develop.  Not guided, which would be counterproductive because this is new territory not visited before.  People won’t be bothered to think for themselves if local councils act as if they know best and limit funding to services they deem necessary.

As the economy shrinks, the localist economy is likely to be increasingly self-generating.

In time, there will be no need for top-down intervention in local community doings.  Local health services will develop, and general hospitals will provide services sought locally.  The localist economy will be established.  At first, we can’t imagine what it will look like, except that it will be driven from the grassroots.

What a rupture could look like

If denial of the end of growth persists, cuts will deepen, backlogs grow, and services erode.  

A sharp energy shock triggers business closures and job losses in the thinning discretionary sector.  Households default.  The tax base shrinks.  The central government centralises more decision-making to hold the line, slowing local problem-solving.  Black markets and petty thefts grow.  

A settlement then arrives fast, not by design, but through breakdown.  Price controls, rationing, emergency procurement, and strict priorities appear.  After the shock, rules are hastily written to match the new reality.  In effect, it would be creeping centralisation, leading to totalitarianism.

Not unlike what happened after the last big shock, when the Second World War broke out and then ended, leaving the government to deal with the dreadful state of the indebted economy.

Life in the United Kingdom during and after the war was shaped by disruption, hardship, and a strong sense of collective effort.  Daily routines were transformed by rationing and power outages.  Food was limited, so people learned to stretch every ingredient, grow vegetables, and share what they had.  Cars became rare on the roads because petrol was tightly rationed, and most private motoring came to a halt.  People walked or cycled.  Essential vehicles were reserved for the military, ambulances, farming, and other vital work.  

A return to the past would only be partial.

We will not rewind to the 1940s and 50s.  We will keep today’s knowledge and experiences, basic digital tools, and some modern infrastructure.  But for those of us who experienced the post-war era, the pattern feels familiar.  Shorter supply lines.  Less travel.  National systems still exist, but local practice carries a greater share of the load.

Choosing the path

The energy fact will not change.  The choice will be how we will change our systems with it.  

Evolution is calmer than revolution.  It will require clear communication about limits, early support for essential services, and legal space for small-scale activities.  It will reward households that adapt and communities that organise.  

Revolution is the risk if we delay, deny, or defend old models.  Delay will result in the change arriving suddenly and on harder terms.

Politically

Revolution will involve a regular party-political choice, reacting to events.  Parliamentary procedures may not be necessary.

A decision to enable fully fledged localism to evolve will require extensive parliamentary processes.  Once enacted, each locality will decide how to govern itself. 

A willing local authority may be able to implement some aspects of localism that do not require new legislation.

What to watch

There will be shrinking ranges on supermarket shelves.  Longer waiting times.  Rising repair trades.  Growth of allotments and local food.  More second-hand.  New mutual aid groups.  Small makers and services that thrive by being near.  These are signals of the shift.  They are also the seeds of the next economy. 

Conclusion

Falling surplus energy leads to falling prosperity.  

If we keep the current systems unchanged, life will narrow and move closer to home, much like it was 75 years ago.  The issue is whether it will be a top-down revolution or grassroots localism.

With top-down systems maintained, there would be increasing government and local government regulation of daily life.  Social inequality might increase due to rising social unrest.

Moving closer to home can be a managed evolution to localism.  It may be self-managed at each locality.

The difference lies in whether economic shrinkage is acknowledged and accepted, and the UK positively redesigns around it, with localism playing a significant part.  Or we can pretend that shrinkage isn’t happening and have to put up with the unexpected consequences of attempts to fabricate “growth”.

189. How Wealth Dies – and What the Next Budget Could Trigger

Based on Tim Morgan’s essay How Wealth Dies

Tim Morgan’s latest essay argues that most of the world’s wealth now exists only on paper. The financial system has expanded far beyond the real economy that gives it meaning, creating a trap that will one day close.

He describes two intertwined systems. The first is the real economy – the world of energy, resources, and material goods. The second is the financial economy – an ever-growing web of money, debt, and asset prices representing claims on that real world.

For decades, governments have used money to fight off economic decline. Each time growth has slowed, they have borrowed more, cut interest rates, or printed new money. These actions give a temporary impression of prosperity but only inflate the financial economy further.

Morgan calls this the notional value trap: a situation in which we mistake rising numbers for real progress. As he puts it,

“Every failed effort made to stem material economic decline using monetary tools increases wealth, as it is measured financially.”

He warns that at some point the gap between the notional and the real will become unbridgeable. Then the financial system will collapse swiftly, not gradually, destroying most paper wealth.


Britain’s position

In Britain, official figures claim national “net worth” of £12.2 trillion – around four and a half times GDP. Yet, as Morgan observes, this figure is meaningless because these assets could never all be sold at those valuations. The country appears rich only because its measure of wealth is based on price, not substance.

Our economy is already shrinking in material terms. Energy costs are high, productivity weak, and the supply of real goods and services is faltering. Yet the financial system keeps expanding on the assumption that growth will resume. That contradiction cannot last.


A Budget built on hope

If Chancellor Rachel Reeves uses the forthcoming Budget to boost growth through borrowing and stimulus, it will repeat the pattern Morgan describes.
Markets will cheer, property prices may rise, and commentators will talk about “confidence returning”.

But Britain’s real economy cannot deliver matching output. Energy supply is constrained, food and materials are mostly imported, and essential infrastructure is ageing. Inflation will re-emerge, and confidence will again give way to fear.
Then, as Morgan predicts, the correction will come – not as a gradual adjustment but as a collapse of financial claims that can no longer be honoured.


What happens to the top-down economy

If this scenario unfolds, the most vulnerable part of Britain’s system will be the top-down public sector, which depends on continuous monetary flow rather than real output.

  • The NHS, already struggling with costs and staff shortages, will find its funding mechanism unsustainable when tax receipts fall and borrowing becomes prohibitive. It will have to contract towards core services, relying more on informal and community care.
  • The railways, another large, centralised network, will struggle to maintain services as passenger numbers fall and government subsidy shrinks. Many local lines may close, leaving communities to develop alternative local transport systems.
  • Education, policing, and welfare will all face similar pressures.
    The guiding assumption of the industrial age – that large institutions could deliver universal services from the centre – will no longer hold when money itself loses meaning.

The localism alternative

Yet Morgan ends with a small glimmer of hope. He notes that while financial values will collapse, utility will endure. Things that meet real needs – food, energy, shelter, and local capability – will still matter.

This is where localism becomes not just desirable but essential.
As national systems struggle, local communities will have to rebuild from the ground up:

  • producing more of their own food,
  • generating local energy,
  • re-using buildings and materials,
  • and caring for one another through informal networks rather than waiting for central solutions.

Localism replaces monetary claims with real exchange – skills, labour, goods, and trust. It restores meaning to value by grounding it in use, not price.


In the end

The financial system may yet “die rich”, as Morgan puts it, but the communities that survive will be those that rediscover how to live usefully.

When the next Budget inflates notional wealth one last time, the wiser course will be to look closer to home – to the practical, the tangible, and the local – because that is where the new economy will begin.

How the present systems will actually disentangle has yet to be understood.